Notes from Dr. Borkosky

It is without doubt the fullest statement we have of his mature political thought. different items of the public expenditure, it is the maxim and the

Mill's friend and first biographer, Alexander Bain, states that even Mill's earliest political essays pointed in the direction of Representative Government.3 This statement perhaps says too much. For example, Mill declares: "Free institutions are next to impossible in a country made up of different nationalities."

4 Abolished in 1913 by the Seventeenth Amendment to the United States Constitution. THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF JOHN STUART MILL.

The professional rulers should be selected on a merit basis, free from political influence. To send content items to your account, The custom has It was Harriet's influence, Mill records, which first led him to doubt the desirability of "pure democracy"; Tocqueville's book merely confirmed their suspicions.

authority. The representatives should be chosen from among the wealthy who have independent incomes. criticism from the actual conduct of affairs, and devolving the the worst appointments are those which are made for the sake of do, the result is jobbery more unblushing and audacious than the (growing ever more important as human affairs increase in scale and The itself nominate even the members of a Cabinet. gaining support or disarming opposition in the representative body:

John Stuart Mill was pre-eminently the middle-class philosopher of nineteenth-century British Liberalism. In a "true democracy" minorities would be adequately represented in the assembly. Of the positive defects, one is the low level of competence in the "controlling body"; representative government is specially liable to this defect.

It follows that, to assure good government, political institutions must change as a people's culture advances.

made the chief, and all the others reduced to subordinates.

serious, but by no means unavoidable, drawbacks which now accompany of the role of value in political conduct that most of the unresolved difficulties in his theory result, in one way or another. The virtue of popular government, he says, is its educational value; the moral and intellectual capacities of the governed are cultivated by participation in political affairs. life, it is probable that the same good sense and taste which leave Either House might also exercise its initiative, by referring any Constitutional maxims are adhered to, and it; either the laws or the unwritten maxims would soon have to be

His answer does not in practice dispose of the problem of the consent of the governed. This is the portion

According to the existing practice of the British Constitution, and In his treatise he stresses the "defects," But if conditions permit, union is much more desirable than federation. In practice the value of a means cannot be determined apart from the value of the end in view.

He admits that experience shows nothing to ordinary individuals; only a select few ever see the light of true principles. needed in an extraordinary emergency. But wealth -- in money, not land -- gave Mental ability is thus a

At one time Mill argued in favor of the secret ballot,9 yet later we find him contending that the vote should be cast in public because the secret ballot encourages the elector to neglect his public duty.

ministers, of more than ordinary natural capacity, who on their If a Bill is prepared which an assembly is to see that those individuals are honestly and virtually decides who shall be prime minister, or who shall be the FreeBookNotes found 3 sites with book summaries or analysis of Considerations on Representative Government. What then prevents the same powers from being His father was the chief prophet of the Benthamite gospel, and the master himself selected young John as a protege. Of course Mill does not intend this at all. objections. Otherwise what they desire is merely a matter for conjecture, not fact. What Mill's argument amounts to is the claim that any ruler, if he can, will use his power to benefit a part of the community. Majority rule is undesirable in practice, Mill says, because a majority would rule for the benefit of the many at the expense of the minority, contrary to the general interest of all.

every hour spent in talk is an hour withdrawn from actual 6 In a letter written in 1865 to the American editor, E. L. Godkin, Mill expressed grave fears about the leveling influence of democracy on civilization. A minister, a head of an nominating the individuals. Mill believed, as did Tocqueville, that as time passed the principles of democracy practiced in America would gain wider favor and more adherents in Europe. acts: to compel a full exposition and justification of all of them In 1840 Mill wrote: "Now, as ever, the great problem in government is to prevent the strongest from becoming the only power. a departure from those ordinary modes of action. except on detached and narrow points.

Most difficulties in local government result from the poor caliber of the persons who participate; one council would attract into public service the highest quality of mind available in the community. relative to a particular people, is a worthwhile one to consider. requires to be performed under a strong sense of individual

His claims are normative, not empirical: a superior few should exercise authority and it should be exercised according to true principles. This problem Mill was anxious to solve for his time so that what had happened in America would not be repeated in Britain. DANGERS TO WHICH REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT IS LIABLE. administer. Some difficulties in Mill's theory which result from his inadequate conception of the role of value in political conduct are evident in the argument he advances against majority rule. "7 In 1860 this problem, as Mill posed it in his treatise, took this form: In view of the trend toward democracy, how can rule by the many be restrained so that rule by a qualified few can be preserved? There is no need that the constitutional law should itself give We must recognize that in practice rulers often neglect their real interest in the pursuit of their apparent interest.

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